The Centre brings out bimonthly newsletter – East Asia Monitor – on China, Japan and the Korean Peninsula.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
No posts of Jounral.
Now that NAM is defunct and very little wealth is left in the Commonwealth, and given that the G-20 has a set parameter and doesn’t encompass the aggregate of the hopes and aspirations of the developing world, India should use the BRICS forum to project its global profile.
An analysis of these exercises reveals some interesting insights into the People's Liberation Army (PLA) thinking, its priorities, areas of interest and countries of concern.
The PLA has been laying emphasis on human resource management. Recruitment, salaries, living standards, perks and education are likely to get an impetus with attendant advantages of morale, motivation and technology absorption.
Apparently, serving the PLA is no longer a very attractive option and there seem to be issues of lack of motivation among the new recruits to make the supreme sacrifice.
If the BRICS Development Bank comes up, it will not only be a big moment for BRICS itself, but also for the global financial structure where the role, stake and space of the developing world will grow massively.
Despite nearly a hundred persons having immolated themselves over the last few years, these events have passed by without much notice, let alone reaction.
Beijing’s smog, while recurrent, has been at its worst this winter and is an example of what is wrong with China’s political economy.
China seems to have made this move to strengthen its claim to disputed marine territories by conducting “surveys” which a country normally does in its own territory.
The CCP is so concerned about stability and peace that the only way it thinks it can continue in power is by controlling what the Chinese people read and listen to.
With Abe taking a nationalistic stance and confronting China over the Senkakus, India-Japan cooperation could suffer since it does not seem to be in India’s interest to confront China.
Rule of Law means displacing the CCP from its paramount position. Historical evolution suggests that the new system has to be either liberal democracy or a system with a Chinese nomenclature but with a liberal essence.
Xi Jinping’s speeches and actions have elaborated upon three major themes: upholding the market economy, adopting measures against ‘formalism and bureaucracy’, and endorsing the Rule of Law.
Although Shinzo Abe is aggressively pushing for revising the Constitution, the LDP’s ally, New Komeito, remains opposed to the idea arguing that it will change the nature and duties of Japan’s defence force.
China’s escalation of the Senkaku ownership dispute by commencing air patrols over the islands by OSA aircraft has the potential to trigger a war between China and Japan.
The Indian political class should seriously ponder without engaging in fruitless ideological debates – for we may be leaving ourselves with no choice – whether to acquiesce to a China-dominated commercial and economic landscape in Asia.
Rebuilding Japan’s foreign policy will be another challenge for the Abe Administration, especially in view of the rising tension between Japan and its neighbouring states - China and South Korea – over territorial disputes.
With China increasingly wary of the developments taking place on its Pacific seaboard, it would perhaps be in a much better frame of mind to listen to Indian concerns.
The issuance of these ordinances will not only add to the growing tensions in the disputed areas, specifically the South China Sea, but also add to the growing suspicions about Chinese intent.
The SED is an important forum that can render valuable service to the cause of greater economic cooperation and work like an effective confidence building measure.
Coincidentally or not, China’s maritime disputes with its neighbours in the littoral have been gaining global attention ever since Obama’s announcement in January 2012 of his country’s “pivot” strategy in the Asia-Pacific.
