The Centre brings out bimonthly newsletter – East Asia Monitor – on China, Japan and the Korean Peninsula.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
No posts of Jounral.
Competing claims and reports of oil and gas rich fields in the South China Sea have woven a complicated web affecting the maritime security environment.
With 120 members belonging to his faction, Ozawa still wields decisive influence to make or unmake the government led by the DPJ.
China’s development of a space station is not only for the purpose of scientific experimentation but also to showcase its technological and economic strength.
A new tide is visible in Japan for expanding Indo-Japan relations based on mutual complementarities.
South Korea hopes that the new base will help strengthen its territorial rights on Dokdo as the base would enable its ships to reach the islands quickly.
The SED should eventually create a greater interface at the sub-national level by including other arenas of cooperation like defence, tourism, sports, and cultural interaction involving a wider exchange at the level of people.
Lower riparian countries likely to be affected by China’s construction of dams and river diversion projects in Tibet need to initiate a bilateral or multilateral dialogue with China.
The composition of the Indian delegation to the ongoing Strategic Economic Dialogue is suggestive that issues such as telecom, water, infrastructural development and railways are being discussed on a priority basis.
There is no point in acting with bravado when we do not have the necessary military capacity to take on the Chinese in the South China Seas.
China’s employment of a considerable force including Special Forces to cut off the limited axis of maintenance along with tactics of infiltration over a wide frontage would leave India at the receiving end.
If Noda falters, Japan’s importance in the global community would be considerably diminished and it will be left with the role of a marginal power
The Jeju naval base is intended to serve two objectives: to protect the country from possible missile attacks from North Korea and to allow the United States to station Aegis class destroyers.
In a multi-polar international order and in view of Asia’s growing economy, understanding the PRC and India would be an ongoing task for the ROK in its diplomatic efforts towards reunification.
If allowed to fester, the territorial dispute between Japan and South Korea will have serious repercussions for East Asian security.
It remains to be seen how far China is able to manage the challenges of providing space for religious and cultural freedom while enabling equitable economic development for all ethnic groups.
Lower riparian countries must develop sound strategies to bring China to the negotiating table with a view to stopping it from further damming or diverting the waters of the Brahmaputra or any other river originating in Tibet and flowing into South Asia.
The significance of the India-RoK nuclear deal lies in the fact that it allows India to tap into ROK’s nuclear expertise and it takes the pressure off the India-Japan nuclear deal.
A continuation of Australia’s ban on the sale of uranium to India is likely to hinder the goal of building a strategic partnership and exploring complementarities in the defence and maritime domain.
Significant policy differences between the DPJ and LDP and New Komeito’s unwillingness to lose its identity will prevent the formation of a grand coalition.
The increasing debate after the Fukushima crisis has undermined the recent renaissance of nuclear power and is likely to usher in greater regulation and stringent safety measures, making alternative sources of energy cheaper and therefore more appealing.
