The Centre brings out bimonthly newsletter – East Asia Monitor – on China, Japan and the Korean Peninsula.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
No posts of Jounral.
Japan needs to structurally transform domestic demand by focusing on its service sector – medical services, education, environment, and health.
In the latest game of one-upmanship, North Korea has up the ante by announcing to the world that there is no stopping its nuclear development programme.
As an island country deep down in the Pacific, New Zealand’s security is under no great direct threat from any external source, though turbulence in the neighbourhood would be a matter of concern.
The importance of the RIC trilateral initiative lies in the fact that India, Russia and China, as countries with growing international influence, can make substantive contributions to global peace, security and stability.
China’s objection to the early release of a UN report on North Korea’s compliance with UN sanctions stemmed from its misplaced confidence in international diplomacy.
Myanmar’s elections on November 7 may not promise to be a game-changer. But the path it lays down could be utilized to effect desirable change devoid of unnecessary turbulence.
As India deepens its strategic engagement with the countries of South East Asia, ASEAN needs to make up its mind on the mechanisms required to tackle core security issues instead of outsourcing them to a multitude of organisations.
The meeting between Dr. Manmohan Singh and his Chinese counterpart Wen Jiabao on the sidelines of the ASEAN Summit in Hanoi on 28-29 October has brought about a warming of the atmosphere and may lead to progress in Sino-Indian relations.
China’s moves concerning Kashmir evoke apprehension regarding retrogressive changes in its Kashmir policy, designed to give it a hold over India. The best case scenario for China is that the Kashmir issue is never resolved; and if this issue inches towards any kind of resolution, that China should be considered a party to the Kashmir dispute.
NASA Administrator Charles Bolden visited Beijing on October 16 – 21 to discuss cooperation in manned space flight. While one swallow does not make a summer, it may signal that the US may be considering greater engagement with China in outer space, particularly manned flight.
The fruits of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Japan can be seen in the conclusion of negotiations on the long-pending CEPA, start of the negotiations on a civil nuclear pact and sharing of views on Afghanistan, UN reform, and on engaging China as a responsible stakeholder for peace and stability in Asia.
The DPJ has relaxed its earlier rigid position and is no longer demanding that India join the NPT as a pre-condition for the nuclear pact.
Sino-US rivalry has been simmering for the past many years, as China has replaced Russia in the American scheme of things as its most potent adversary.
Since this is the first time that a Han Chinese citizen has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his anti-government stand, Beijing’s nervousness is understandable.
The power transition in North Korea is bound to produce more political intrigue in the coming months, with the junior Kim concentrating more on military modernization and nuclear programme to strengthen his position.
If the China-Japan maritime dispute in the East China Sea is not tackled and left to linger, it would have a serious impact on regional security.
South African President Jacob Zuma has affirmed the mutually beneficial economic relationship between China and Africa, including with his country, notwithstanding the negative sides to this relationship. It is clear that China’s role in Africa is changing the terms of engagement with the region. That is perhaps the biggest challenge for India and the rest of the world in their future Africa strategy.
China’s rise has become a matter of concern throughout Asia and led to changes in the strategic postures of its neighbours. Japan has begun to rethink its own defence strategy and security policy in response to China’s military modernization.
Converging interests between India and South Korea is leading them to position themselves to work closely in the emerging Asian security architecture.
Indian decision makers played down the problems in the India-China relationship for the past decade in the expectation that deepening engagement would influence attitudes at the top level in China and thereby enable hardened positions to soften.
