The Centre brings out bimonthly newsletter – East Asia Monitor – on China, Japan and the Korean Peninsula.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
No posts of Jounral.
The various diplomatic rows and even the border problem are symptoms of the larger problems that exist between India and China – the competition for status, influence and power.
Even though the report is fairly cautious in what it says and does not highlight anything new, the reactions on the Chinese side have not been that positive.
Many Papuans prefer to internationalise their plight and seek a third party to settle the issue as they do not trust the Jakarta elites and Indonesians in general.
The urge to sign a nuclear agreement with India is driven by Japan’s entrepreneurial interest and by the new emphasis on technology exports as a part of economic growth strategy.
This commentary attempts to answer the question as to why the flow of jihadis is unending despite tough measures being undertaken by Jakarta, on its own or in collaboration with its regional and international partners.
Indonesia is trying to gain the leadership position in Southeast Asia through constructive and cooperative gestures and balanced bargaining between major powers.
The present reality of industrial and environmental disasters in China calls for a reality check about India blindly copying the Chinese development model.
India has to calibrate its relationship with China, the US, and countries of East Asia with great circumspection in the wake of the resurfacing of tensions in the South China Sea.
While there are many positive developments between Vietnam and the US, it is still to be seen how the elites and military in Vietnam interpret US overtures.
China’s foray into Sri Lanka in recent years has somewhat heightened India’s engagement in the island nation, separated by the small stretch of the Palk-Strait
The UNSC statement is more a testimony to Sino-US compromise arrived at after nearly a month and half of negotiations rather than being a “diplomatic victory” as has been hailed by North Korea.
While the economies of China and Taiwan are getting integrated and there has been increasing contact between the people across the strait, the two sides are maintaining a studied silence on unification.
There is no denying that Myanmar has an ongoing nuclear research programme but whether it has the intention of developing nuclear weapons remains unclear.
In a strong rebuke to the Kan government, voters deprived the DPJ and its tiny ally of a majority less than a year after the party swept to power.
Nationalistic imaging of the People’s Republic based on the Han identity could be the biggest obstacle to the pluralist solution that the contemporary situation in Xinjiang requires.
The issue at stake is the US upholding and expanding its role as the key shaper of geopolitics in Northeast Asia, and China unwilling to be sidelined by the United States.
That the Futenma issue is still a sore subject for the ruling DPJ-led government is reflected in the fact that it has decided not to field a candidate in Okinawa in the upcoming election.
While the effect of regionalism has begun to wane, the propensity of youth to vote against specific issues that they deem not beneficial is likely to be the dominant cleavage in South Korean politics.
The sculpting of a strategic partnership and inking of a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement show that South Korea is keen to engage India on matters where their mutual interests converge.
Tacit Chinese endorsement of the policies pursued by North Korea and Myanmar has emboldened them to persist with policies that are detrimental for peace and stability in the region.
