In addition, the Centre focuses on the security and foreign policies of Russia as well as of the post-Soviet republics. India continues to depend on Russian defence supplies and benefits from Russian cooperation in the fields of hydrocarbon and nuclear energy. In the past, India and the erstwhile Soviet Union had invested heavily in a strategic relationship. That continues to be an important goal in official pronouncements. Russia is still politically, diplomatically and militarily important for India.
The Centre has published several books, reports, articles and policy papers on a wide variety of issues in the region. It has been conducting a series of security dialogues with the countries of the region at the bilateral and multilateral levels. The Centre also focuses on security and strategic issues in Central Asia that impact on India. Attention is also directed towards the energy security and economic linkages between India and Central Asian States.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
Russia's evolving 'energy ideology' and its approach to defining its role in the global energy markets with the particular focus on the interests in and intentions for Asia have drawn considerable attention. Russia's claim for the role of 'global energy security provider', advanced with much aplomb in the context of the G8 chairmanship, is, however, undermined by the stagnation in the oil and gas production and increasing shortages of electricity.
The unique feature of the Indian economy over the past few decades has been a combination of high growth and stability. It has proved its strength and resilience through this period. India’s economic diplomacy with the Central Asian and South Asian nations also shows a continuing positive trend. High-level visits are exchanged on a regular basis.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Moscow from December 4-6, 2005 highlights the continued importance of Indo-Russian cooperation in a changing geopolitical scenario. Beginning with President Vladimir Putin’s first visit to India in October 2000, bilateral summits between the Indian Prime Minister and the Russian President, alternatively in each other’s capital, have become an annual feature. In contrast, President Putin’s predecessor, President Boris Yeltsin visited India only once, in January 1993.
The paper attempts to analyse the issues in Central Asia in the context of India’s security. The paper poses a question as to what the region of Central Asia means for India today. The author argues that international attention is being focused on redefining the importance of Central Asian in the changing regional and international context. Since its reappearance, many suitors have been seeking affinity, proximity and legitimacy with the region on political, strategic, cultural and economic grounds.
In the backdrop of joining the Ashgabat Agreement, India now must enlarge the strategic role of Chabahar port for evolving an integrated transportation network involving both the INSTC and the proposed transit corridor to Central Asia.
India needs to rope in one or more of the Central Asian countries, preferably Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, in the Chabahar project, to fully exploit its potential.
The CDU’s likely coalition partners are the Green Party and the Free Democrats. Such a coalition can work because all partners share a common design on European Unity and socio-economic policies at home.
Russia’s new naval doctrine seeks to defend Russia’s core security interests in the neighbourhood and project power judiciously beyond its periphery.
The moot point is whether member countries are clear about the EU’s economic dysfunctions and the degree of economic unification they desire for surmounting them.
The success of nascent efforts within the EU towards military integration will depend on the ability of members to reconcile existing commitments within the NATO framework vis-à-vis a EUA.
In December 2015, the Russian Foreign Ministry revealed that Russia was engaging in intelligence sharing with the Taliban to counter the growing presence of the Islamic State in Afghanistan.
The EU needs Britain and Britain equally needs Europe. So, an arrangement that exists today between EU and Norway could well be a model for Britain.
As India enters the Eurasian integration path, it needs to be aware that there is an emerging trend in favour of intra-regional cooperation in Central Asia.
India should use SCO for building convergences with China and Russia as well as minimise the intensity of China-Pakistan alignment which undercuts India’s direct access to Eurasia.
Emanuel Macron is likely to set different trends with regard to policy towards the EU, the Francophone region of Africa, the UN, major powers as well as medium and pivotal countries like India and Japan.
Two clashing visions of France were before the French voters. They chose, with many reservations, Macron and rejected Le Pen, but not wholly, for, her opposition to the EU, in some measure, enjoys the support of a sizeable section of French society.
At a time of heightened nationalism over the Ukrainian confrontation, these events cast doubts about the narrative of a stable political system.
In the face of Brexit, the continued union of UK and Scotland hinges on arriving at a suitable political accommodation between the UK and the broad spectrum of the Scottish polity and the public.
Despite the opacity of Central Asian politics, the course of political change in the region is likely to be smooth, which is also essential for peace and stability within and outside Central Asia.
It is time to engage in a dialogue process not just for enhancing strategic trust but also to think more cunningly about how to benefit from China’s riches by gaining access to Chinese credit and technology, and securing markets for Indian products.
In respect of trade and commerce, some uncertainties are looming over both US-German relations and US-EU relations.
Russia’s efforts to differentiate between the Islamic State and Taliban are a mistake given that both groups share a similar ideology, albeit with slight variations.
Russia’s military intervention in Syria – its first beyond its immediate neighbourhood since the end of the Cold War – highlights the significant transformation that its armed forces have gone through.
The Joint Communique issued by the recent NATO summit, held on July 8-9 in Warsaw, appears to have sown the seeds of a renewed confrontation with Russia.