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Instead of quibbling over non-issues like civil nuclear damage liability bill, France should make a determined effort to embrace and support India.
The proposed Nuclear Fuel Bank would provide fuel to only those states that are in compliance with their international commitments, especially obligations under the NPT.
In the latest game of one-upmanship, North Korea has up the ante by announcing to the world that there is no stopping its nuclear development programme.
Obama’s announcement of support for India’s prospective membership in multi-lateral export control regimes is a natural corollary of US efforts over the past five years to fully accommodate India in the global non-proliferation regime.
This paper argues that the CSC does not confer any benefit to India and that it may in fact prove to be detrimental to Indian interests and why it should, therefore, not be signed.
The current terrorist threat has reemphasised the importance of Europe, considered to be increasingly irrelevant in global security and strategic calculus.
Global warming-induced accessibility has drawn many actors to the Arctic zone, seeking to establish exclusive sovereign rights over its many natural endowments.
As the European political landscape is continuously changing and assertive voices from the CEEC are expected to be heard, India and Poland should seriously think about establishing a strategic partnership.
Liberal democratic European countries are suddenly discovering their ‘national heritage’ and their ‘national culture’ because of the desire to maintain the majority position and the privileges that come with it.
The NSG will be in trouble if China goes ahead with its plan to sell nuclear reactors to a non-NPT country like Pakistan.
Though expectations are high, it is unlikely that Obama’s India visit would provide a fillip to the strategic partnership which has lost its sheen or reinvigorate the relationship.
A pastor’s resolve to burn the Quran is threatening to undo the progress in promoting inter-community relations. India’s legal and constitutional provisions and long experience in dealing with such situations could be of use in defusing situations like these and create a niche for an Indian perspective on contemporary international relations.
The latest IAEA report dated September 6, 2010 to the Board of Governors, delineating Iran’s compliance or otherwise with the provisions and requirements of the IAEA and UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, indicates that contentious issues have not been resolved. As sanctions tighten, the US, China and Russia have urged Iran to fully cooperate with the IAEA.
The ISI threat assessment may be received with great enthusiasm in Western capitals and policy circles, but for observers from the subcontinent it is neither ‘fundamental’ nor a ‘shift’.
What is new for the observers of British foreign policy after the new coalition government came into power, is the endeavour to reposition Britain in a fast-changing global scenario
Seen from this part of the globe, it is indeed relevant to have a preliminary analysis of the EU-India strategic partnership after the EEAS has formally come into existence.
As long as nuclear weapons determine a nation’s power and capability, India must have no hesitation in strengthening its nuclear capability and learn to ‘live with the bomb’.
The RevCon, after abundant manoeuvring and political one-upmanship, finalised quite ‘consensually’ a much diluted and defeatist document that promises to ensure that disarmament remains a dream.
Given the rapidly evolving situation in West Asia, and the growing danger of new threats like nuclear terrorism, it would seem that the time has come for Israel to come clean on its nuclear arsenal.
While the Turkey deal represents an advance on the Iran nuclear issue, it remains to be seen if it would lead to more constructive solutions in addressing concerns generated by the Iranian nuclear programme.
