Crisis in Eastern Congo and the Role of External Actors
The crisis in eastern DRC cannot be resolved by merely accusing countries like Rwanda and Uganda of interference; Kinshasa has to review its response to the crisis.
- Published: April 2013
Keerthi Sampath Kumar is Research Assistant at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
The crisis in eastern DRC cannot be resolved by merely accusing countries like Rwanda and Uganda of interference; Kinshasa has to review its response to the crisis.
Though its goal of securing a permanent seat in the Council during the 2011-12 term was ambitious, the efforts that it put in over the last two years were steered in that direction and have yielded favourable results.
The Sudan of the last century was a land ridden by inter-tribal conflicts and civil wars, divided on religious lines and its politics was embroiled in a constant struggle for control over the country’s resources. Today, nothing much has changed except for the secession of South Sudan from Sudan and the discord continues across the border. After decades of civil war what is now observable is that the two Sudans are at the tipping point of an international armed conflict.
The resolution was responsible for sparking off debates in the UN General Assembly and the Security Council which, in turn, has led to the emergence of viable alternatives to military intervention or the use of force.
India’s overall approach at the UNSC in the past year was focused on projecting and representing the opinion of the developing world, addressing problems through regional solutions and achieving as much progress as possible through diplomacy and dialogue.
Given the nature of violence perpetrated against innocent civilians and prolonged hostility between Sudan and South Sudan, it is imperative that the UN Security Council takes stock of the situation and acts immediately.
Intervention across borders of other states with the intention of protecting the civilian population from atrocities committed against them is not a new phenomenon. According to Thomas Weiss, 1 the evolution of humanitarian intervention precedes the appearance of the current generation of international institutions. After the Second World War, the United Nations Charter under Article 2(1) stipulated that the UN be based upon the sovereign equality of all its members.
Only a well-formulated and decisive stance on issues would make India’s case for a permanent seat at the horse-shoe table well-earned.
Along with a clear and unambiguous mandate, pre-intervention planning also demands an exit strategy which is lacking in the Libyan case.