Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy

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Amb. Sujan Chinoy is the Director General of the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), New Delhi since 2019. A career diplomat from 1981-2018, he held several important diplomatic assignments, including as Ambassador to Japan. He is a specialist on China, East Asia and politico-military and security issues. He anchored as a team leader the CBMs/peace and tranquillity issues related to the India-China boundary dispute between 1996 and 2000. On deputation to the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) from 2008-2012, his expertise covered external and internal security issues including the extended neighbourhood of the Indo-Pacific.  He has served as Consul General in Shanghai and Sydney and has extensive experience in trade, investment and economic issues. He is the Chair of the Think20 engagement group for India G20 Presidency. He regularly contributes to newspapers and journals, besides lecturing in India and overseas. He schooled at the Rajkumar College (Rajkot), read English Literature at the Maharaja Sayajirao University in Vadodara, Gujarat, and gained his Master of Business Administration from Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. He has an advanced Diploma in Chinese (Mandarin) from the New Asia Yale-in-China Chinese Language Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.  He was an Exchange Student at the Otemon Gakuin University in Osaka in 1978. He is fluent in English, Chinese (Mandarin) and conversant in French, Spanish, German, Japanese, Arabic, Urdu and French-Creole. He also speaks Hindi and Gujarati.

Director General

Addresses / Remarks

Publication

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India-US Defence: Managing Trump and Triumf

Director General, IDSA, Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy’s article on India-US Defence ties, titled ‘India-US Defence: Managing Trump and Triumf’ has been published in ‘The Economic Times’ on June 20, 2019.

Given India’s evolving defence procurement system, efforts should be made to enhance compatibility of technology from various sources. This may require greater cooperation with the US, since many of India’s supplies other than Russia depend on US technologies for their products, writes Amb. Chinoy.

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  • Published: 20 June, 2019
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Why China changed its stand on Masood Azhar

Director General, IDSA, Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy’s article on India-China relations in view of Pakistan, titled ‘Why China changed its stand on Masood Azhar’ has been published in ‘The Hindu’ on May 23, 2019.

A well-structured India-China dialogue may go a long way in convincing Beijing to sustain pressure on Islamabad, writes Amb. Chinoy.

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  • Published: 23 May, 2019
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Slippery, but this ain’t crude


Amb. Sujan R. Chinoy
Director General, IDSA
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Shebonti Ray Dadwal
Former Senior Fellow, IDSA
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Crude oil prices have firmed up after the Significant Reduction Exemption (SRE) waiver granted by the US to eight nations, including India, allowing them to import gradually diminishing quantities of oil from Iran, ended on May 2. The hardening of prices is inevitable if additional oil supplies do not reach the market to compensate for the approximately 1.3 million barrels per day (mbd) reduction in Iranian oil.

Iranian supplies had risen to 2.5 mbd after the sanctions were lifted in the wake of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. The US aim is to put pressure on Iran by cutting off its oil revenue, and speculation is rife that a key objective is to effect regime change.

Not Well-Oiled

Although US President Donald Trump has stated that Saudi Arabia and the UAE can make up any shortfall up to 2 mbd, the loss of Venezuelan and Libyan supplies may also have to be factored in.

Russia has made it clear that it will not increase output. There are conflicting reports whether the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (Opec) will enhance production. Saudi Arabia is reportedly capable of meeting the increased demand, though it would be loath to see any price slump. As for the US, it is already exporting 2.5 mbd and may not be able to pick up the slack on its own.

There is speculation that China will continue to source oil from Iran through barter trade. Apart from being the world’s largest importer of oil and a vital supplier of oil and gas modules, China is also a key geostrategic player in the global energy markets with strong ties to all major producers. China is unlikely to fall in line with the US demand and risk its credibility, particularly at a time when tensions with the US are on the rise and China is making every effort to provide an alternative narrative on developmental issues.

China may be willing to consider yuan-denominated transactions or barter trade with Iran, with the latter getting Chinese goods, machinery and perhaps even arms in return. This may help China keep intact its own prestige and ties with Iran, while keeping its banking and financial institutions outside the pale of US retaliation.

India imported 23.5 million tonnes of Iranian oil in 2018-19, making it its third-largest source of crude. India has not contracted any oil from Iran for May. Unlike many others in Asia, Indian refineries are technically capable of processing all grades of crude.

Being a coveted market, many countries, including Iran’s Opec rivals as well as the US, have offered to fill any gap left by Iranian oil. But other suppliers may not provide the same credit and insurance facilities as Iran does.

Moreover, with ongoing general elections, the government can ill-afford a rise in oil prices and consequent increase in the oil import bill, or any potential downward pressure on the value of the Indian rupee. It is expected that around 200,000-300,000 barrels per day of rebranded Iranian oil will find its way to markets through ‘friendly’ countries.

Iran has also taken steps to ensure that its oil remains attractive by offering to settle payments in its own currency (rial) or in foreign currency other than the US dollar, that too at discounted rates through the Iran Oil Exchange (Irenex).

By the barrelful

Further, it offers the option of allowing small private firms to evacuate the oil through smaller cargoes, thus circumventing the involvement of Iran’s oil ministry with which major companies may be reluctant to do business. Buyers would subsequently be in a position to export Iranian cargoes to any other country.

There is speculation that President Trump might yet extend the waiver on a case-by-case basis. According to some analysts, certain countries may be allowed to place future orders for Iranian oil. They might then be allowed to insure, transport and refine Iranian oil allowed under the 2012 Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act, which provides legal authority to impose sanctions on Iran’s petroleum industry and foreign countries that do business with it, but also allows for penalties to be waived.

The situation remains fluid, with a number of possibilities. What appears clear is that China is most unlikely to fall in line.

While India is not as large a player as China in the oil market, it does have key geostrategic objectives in the region. Foremost among these would be the need to continue to maintain traditionally friendly relations with Iran.

This would require India to tread a fine line and continue to balance its ties with both Iran and the US on the one hand, and with Iran and Saudi Arabia on the other. This will only be possible if India continues to source some oil from Iran in the future, the US withdrawal of the SRE waiver notwithstanding.

This article was originally published in Economic Times

  • Published: 8 May, 2019
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Know Thy Neighbour: Growth of India and China—Socio-Cultural Precepts and Propositions*

It is very important for large and populous neighbours such as India and China to have a better understanding of one another’s history, culture and value systems. Perhaps no two peoples in the world are as similar as Indians and Chinese in terms of the agrarian foundations of our societies and many of our traditions with roots in Hindu-Buddhist rituals and philosophy, and even the undue importance attached in the past to the male child.

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Asia between Multipolarism and Multipolarity

  • Publisher: KW Publishers
    2020
This book aims to map the Asian power trajectory and the continent’s contemporary journey towards greater multipolarity. This volume examines the impact of plurilateral and multilateral dialogues and cooperative mechanisms on Asia’s security and economic architecture. It is based on the proceedings of the thought-provoking 20th edition of the Asian Security Conference which was held from March 26-28, 2019 at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
  • ISBN: 9789389137439 ,
  • Price: ₹.1280/-
  • E-copy available

  • Published: 2020
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1971 India-Pakistan War: 50 Years Later

  • Publisher: Pentagon Press
    2022
India’s decisive and historic victory in the 1971 India–Pakistan War is considered to be one of the landmark geopolitical events in the history of the sub-continent. One of the shortest wars in world history, fought for a mere 13 days, the lightning campaign brought about a change in the world’s perception of India, marking its recognition as an important regional power.

The combined impact created by the resolute people of Bangladesh and the professional approach of the Indian state, successfully converted a catastrophe of epic proportions into a victory of the people, won through their stoic resolve and the professionalism of the armed forces.

There have been a number of books, memoirs and articles over the years that have documented first-person and academic accounts of events that marked this period of history. Not surprisingly, most were written during the period succeeding the war and after the birth of Bangladesh. This book is an attempt to evaluate events with the benefit of a five-decade time lapse. In doing so, the focus remains firmly on the military aspects of the war, accompanied by a brief account of political events, diplomacy, influence of major powers, public perception and the role of Mukti Bahini.

  • ISBN:9789390095698 ,
  • Price: ₹ 1495
  • E-copy available

  • Published: 2022