Improved India-Vietnam relations are guided both by their common historical experiences and their mutual concerns in the post-cold war context. Both have suffered aggression from China in the past and had good relations with the former Soviet Union. In fact, India was the only non-communist country to recognize the unified Vietnam and, ever since, they have had a friendly relationship, one that has stood the test of time. However, in the post-cold war context the shadow of China looms large over this relationship.
Despite the creation of several new states and territorially defined autonomous councils, different tribes in Northeast India continue to demand the creation of new states and autonomous councils. This is because most tribes in the region are under the impression that an adequate share of political power is a necessary condition for retaining their socio-cultural identities and development. Such cultural and developmental aspirations, though legitimate, face rough weather once they become connected with exclusive administrative boundaries for self-governance.
No aspect of Jawaharlal Nehru's policies and leadership came under as severe an attack as those on defence. Unfortunately till this day no scholastic appraisal of the policy he pursued in regard to national security is available and it is a great pity that the Government has not encouraged such a study. We have had a host of publications by foreigners, retired Indian Army officers, retired civil servants, journalists, academicians and politicians which are generally critical of Jawaharlal Nehru's defence policy. The bias in these works is all too obvious. Shri B.N.
Manipur has witnessed a rise in insurgency-related violence in recent years. Ordinary people are caught in the crossfire between different ethnic insurgent groups and the security forces. This paper examines the ceasefire in neighbouring Nagaland and argues that a similar ceasefire with better monitoring and enforcement could usher in relative peace in Manipur. Since the agreement on suspension of operations with Kuki insurgents is already in force and there is relative calm in Naga areas, an offer of a ceasefire to all groups is likely to bring down violence
Following the 9/11 attacks on the American homeland, India and Pakistan emerged as important states in the US-led Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The gathering momentum in the Indo-US relations during the Clinton Presidency underwent a dramatic transformation. Although increased cooperation in defence issues is understood to have 'led' the India-US relationship to its current level, it has not culminated in enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation. This perceived lack of cooperation can be located within the perceptual differences on key security issues.
The 1998 Belfast Agreement brought to an end over three decades of armed conflict in Northern Ireland. This paper summarizes the role of actors within and outside Northern Ireland, and the processes and mechanics of the Agreement itself. The Agreement is placed in the context of previous unsuccessful peace initiatives in the region, and elements within the political and economic environment at the time that facilitated agreement are identified. The consociational nature of the Agreement is set alongside concern about continuing sectarian division.
China's influence in South Asia has significantly grown over the years, and in particular Bangladeshi-Chinese relations are now robust and very comprehensive. This is in contrast to Bangladeshi-Indian relations, which are extremely uneven. While the latter are substantial and not totally negative, in comparison to Bangladeshi-Chinese relations they are riddled with controversies. How does one explain this contrast, especially when China lacks the historic-cultural advantages and linkages that India has with Bangladesh?