Has the West Lost It? A Provocation
Kishore Mahbubani, Allen Lane, New Delhi, 2018, 105 pp., INR 499 (Hardback), ISBN 978-0-241-31286-5
- Syed Eesar Mehdi |
- May 2020 |
- Strategic Analysis
Home » Strategic Analysis
Kishore Mahbubani, Allen Lane, New Delhi, 2018, 105 pp., INR 499 (Hardback), ISBN 978-0-241-31286-5
India has redefined its engagement with Eurasia in the last few years. It has sought to re-energize ties with its extended neighbourhood based on its historical linkages, positive and benign image, and overlapping security and economic interests. In this context, ties with Uzbekistan remain a key pillar of India’s Eurasian calculus. Tashkent’s strategic location at the crossroads of Central Asia and abundant natural resources form the fulcrum around which the security of Central Asia revolves.
In the aftermath of the successful ‘America First’ or ‘Make America Great Again’ presidential election campaign, President Trump’s era inaugurated the realm of energy politics. It began with the US withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the lifting of the US export ban on crude oil. So far, it has been featured in setting aside President Obama’s climate change mitigation policy, which emphasized regulation, discouraged oil and gas development, and denounced the extensive exploitation of natural resources.
The gruesome events in East Bengal since March 25, 1971 and their repercussions on India easily constitute the most appalling experience of the society of nations since the end of the Second World War; and the refugee problem is the largest and the worst during the present century. It has few parallels in history. This is all the more shocking because of the context and background in which it happened.
Scholars from various academic disciplines have attempted to explain the nature and drivers of the 21st century sui generis phenomenon of radicalization. However, it is rare to find a single book which not only details and builds on the body of work in this still evolving field but also sheds fresh insight into the many unresolved issues that demand fresh perspectives and approaches.
It is not often that Pakistan is talked of in terms of the diversities it embodies. It is, perhaps, its descent into extremism and violence that has overshadowed every other characteristic of the country. Tilak Devasher peeks into this rather less traversed dimension and provides an analysis on the festering insurgency in Balochistan. The book provides a lucid account of Balochistan’s history, geography, and demography.
Yelena Biberman offers a new framework for understanding why and how states ‘outsource’ war to local non-state actors despite the risks of forfeiting the state’s monopoly over violence. Specifically, she explores state and non-state alliances in counter-insurgencies in India and Pakistan. Taking a qualitative approach, Biberman argues that ‘state-nonstate alliances are balance-of-interests bargains’ wherein the ‘state seeking to shift the local balance of power in its favor may enlist activists if it can cultivate social or ideological ties with them’
This article begins with a discussion on how the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is viewed differently by different political parties as well as by the civilian and military establishments in Pakistan. The discussion then turns to Pakistan’s current economic conditions and examines whether CPEC has the potential to boost the Pakistan economy or contribute to the worsening of its economic conditions. This article also discusses how CPEC seeks to maintain a balance between geo-economic and geopolitics.
As the US presidential elections are just a few months away, the economic and strategic differences between India and the United States have come to the forefront. Trump–Modi partnership which started with ‘hugplomacy, is now transformed to that of ‘shadowboxing’. In this era, legacy as well as personal ties between the two leaders will matter little because national interests will be pursued relentlessly. India’s quest for autonomy in foreign policy and its ability to manage the contradictions with the United States will dictate the future course of relations between the two countries.
The Border Area Development Programme was initiated in the year 1986–87, to strengthen India’s security by ensuring developed and secure borders. Initially, the programme was implemented in the western border states to facilitate deployment of the Border Security Force. Later, the geographical and functional scope of the programme was widened to include eastern and northern sectors of India’s borders and as well as socio-economic aspects such as education, health, agriculture and other allied sectors. But, it is difficult to say that the implementation has been uniform in all the sectors.